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Continental Army (Lake Champlain) Sloop Enterprise |
| Enterprise |
| Armed Sloop | (1) Captain John Prout Sloan |
| Continental Army Sloop | 20 May 1775-25 June 1775 |
| [Lake Champlain Squadron] | (2) First Lieutenant [“Commodore”] Jeremiah Halsey
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| Commissioned/First Date: | 20 May 1775/18 May 1775 |
| Out of Service/Cause: | 7 July 1777/burned to prevent capture during the Action at Skenesborough |
| Tonnage: | 70, 80 |
| Battery: | Date Reported: 21 May 17751 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 6/ Total: 6 cannon/ Broadside: 3 cannon/ Swivels: ten Date Reported: 26 May 17752 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 6/ Total: 6 cannon/ Broadside: 3 cannon/ Swivels: twelve Date Reported: 1 June 17753 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 6/6-pounder 36 pounds 18 pounds Total: 6 cannon/36 pounds Broadside: 3 cannon/18 pounds Swivels: fourteen Date Reported: 14 October 17764 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 10/4-pounder 40 pounds 20 pounds Total: 10 cannon/40 pounds Broadside: 5 cannon/20 pounds Swivels: Date Reported: 23 October 17765 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 12/ Total: 12 cannon/ Broadside: 6 cannon/ Swivels: Date Reported: 21 October 17766 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 10/4-pounder 40 pounds 20 pounds Total: 10 cannon/40 pounds Broadside: 5 cannon/20 pounds Swivels: Date Reported: 28 October 17767 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 10/4-pounder 40 pounds 20 pounds Total: 10 cannon/40 pounds Broadside: 5 cannon/20 pounds Swivels: Date Reported: 13 November 17768 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 10/6 pounder 60 pounds 30 pounds Total: 10 cannon/60 pounds Broadside: 5 cannon/30 pounds Swivels: Date Reported: 26 June 17779 Number/Caliber Weight Broadside 8/4-pounder 32 pounds 16 pounds 4/2-pounder 8 pounds 4 pounds Total: 12 cannon/40 pounds Broadside: 6 cannon/20 pounds Swivels: |
| Crew: | (1) 1 June 1775: 31 [total]
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| Description: | Built in 1771. |
| Officers: | (1) Mate Timothy Alcost, 20 May 1775-1 July 1775; (2) First Lieutenant of Marines James Watson, 20 May 1775-1 July 1775 |
| Cruises: | (1) Crown Point, New York to Fort Ticonderoga, New York, 20 May 1775-20 May 1775, with Continental Army Schooner Liberty
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| Prizes: |
| Actions: | (1) Siege of Fort St. Johns, 17 September 1775-3 November 1775 |
Comments:
Continental Army Sloop Enterprise was a 709 or 80 ton sloop,10 belonging to “George III,” and active on Lake Champlain in early 1775 as a communications and transport vessel. She was probably named Betsey, and was a unit of the Quebec Provincial Marine, built in 1771.11 Betsey carried a square main sail and topsail, and apparently had a cutwater.12 Armed with two brass 6-pounders13 (but thought to have six cannon by the Americans),14 she represented the only British naval power on the lake in May 1775 and was an early target of the Americans. Betsey was captured on 18 May 1775 by a raiding expedition under Colonel Benedict Arnold, lifted to Fort St. Johns by Continental Army Schooner Liberty. (see Continental Army Schooner Liberty).
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Reconstructed lines of the Enterprise, from Millar, Early American Ships, 108. Millar estimates her dimensions as 40' length on the keel, 46' length on the deck, 18' beam, 6' depth in the hold, and a “measured” tonnage of 55 tons. |
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Hull form of the Enterprise. From Millar, Early American Ships, 108. |
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On the 20th both vessels sailed down to Fort Ticonderoga with Arnold, where Captain John Prout Sloan was transferred to the sloop, re-christened Enterprise, from command of the Liberty.15 Sloan was described as a “judicious, able” commander by Arnold.16 Arnold was “determined to arm the Sloop & Schooner immediately.”17 According to Enterprise’s muster roll, other officers were First Mate Timothy Alcost, and First Lieutenant of Marines James Watson.18 Enterprise was established with a crew of thirty-one men, including eighteen marines and thirteen sailors.19
Schooner Liberty and sloop Enterprise were at Fort Ticonderoga on 21 May, where Arnold was preparing to sail north to Crown Point, to “make a stand,” in case of British counterattack, following Allen’s reversal at Fort St. Johns. Arnold had both vessels in “good Order as posable (for the time).”20 Enterprise was given six cannon and ten swivels,21 soon raised to twelve swivels.22 However there was a shortage of sailors and Arnold requested the Committee of Safety at Albany to forward “mates, gunners, marines &c.” for both vessels, enclosing a list of proposed wages. Arnold requested Albany forward the request to New York if they were unavailable at Albany. He also urgently requested gunpowder, there being only 150 pounds for both vessels.23 After this quick refit, Liberty and Enterprise, the latter acting as flagship, sailed down to Crown Point.24
On 23 May Arnold dispatched a report to Massachusetts by Captain Elisha Phelps.25 He had “Commissioned” John Prout Sloan to the Enterprise and Isaac Mathues to the Liberty as Captains. He had asked New York to furnish gunners and seamen to man the vessels; “at present obliged to Stay on board one of them my self-.”26 Arnold’s present plan was that the vessels will cruise on the lake, to “defend our frontiers, ‘till men, provision and ammunition are furnished to carry on the war.”27 One bright spot was reported: Arnold had received the first provisions from Albany. He requested that powder be sent and a sum of money to pay enlistment bounties. Money had been captured in the Betsey but he chose not to use it. Arnold also requested that a commander be sent up to relieve him.28
Arnold’s plan was to use the vessels to patrol the lake until more men, ammunition and provisions had come up.29 A handsome reinforcement arrived between 23 and 26 May: “Eight Gentlemen . . . from Hartford, who are Seamen.”30 These men were the “Eight marines,” who escorted Barnabas Deane, 31 and Colonels Webb and Porter from Hartford to Fort Ticonderoga with £500 cash to succor the garrison.32 Deane (on 31 May) reported that Enterprise was armed with six 6-pounders and fourteen swivels.33
Arnold, still at Crown Point, reported again on 26 May. He had the sloop and schooner “in good Order & Tolerably well manned.” Enterprise had six cannon and twelve swivel guns, Liberty four cannon and eight swivels. The “Eight Gentlemen . . . from Hartford, who are Seamen,” had arrived and been put to work. As for the British, Arnold had late word from Fort St. Johns that they had retired to Chambly.34
Albany proved unable to furnish the men required and asked New York, on 26 May, to forward two mates, two gunners, two guuner’s mates, two boatswains, and eighteen sailors, for the lake vessels. Albany also requested that all sorts of small stores be furnished.35
On 27 May Arnold hosted a council of war was held aboard the Enterprise, where it was decided to advance to Pointe au Fer with the two vessels, supplemented by a “number of Arm’d Boats, well mann’d.” There the Americans would bottle up the British, act on the defensive, and command the lake. The place was six miles south of the Quebec-New York border, which the Americans were not allowed to cross at the time.36 Before this expedition sailed, the orders of Congress, cancelling all offensive action, arrived.
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A drawing of the Enterprise, based on a watercolor painting by C. Randle in 1776. In Millar, Early American Ships, 108. |
Detail of the watercolor by C. Randle showing Enterprise in 1776. |
The crew of the Enterprise consisted of thirty-one men, eighteen marines and thirteen sailors, including officers on 1 June 1775.37 On 3 June the New York Provincial Congress ordered a reinforcement of sailors up to the lakes, including about twenty for the Enterprise.38
About 6 June, Arnold took Liberty and Enterprise out on a patrol down the lake as far as Isle aux Noix.39 Enterprise and Liberty arrived back at Crown Point at 1700 on 10 June. Arnold reported that 300 regulars were at Fort St. Johns, fortifying.40
Meanwhile, it had been agreed among all the colonies involved that Connecticut would garrison and command the lake posts and thatNew York would supply them. When the Massachusetts authorities received a copy of Connecticut’s instructions to its commander, Colonel Benjamin Hinman, the Provincial Congress anticipated possible trouble. A Committee of Three was appointed to go to the lakes, examine the posts and correct any irregularities.41 When Colonel Hinman and his men began arriving at Fort Ticonderoga, Arnold, after reading Hinman’s instructions, declined to give up the command.42 The Massachusetts Committee now arrived and met with Arnold at Crown Point on 23 June. He was informed he would be under Connecticut command. Arnold refused to do so.43 Arnold resigned the next day,44 disbanded his regiment45 without allowing the Committee to speak to the men, and retired to the squadron.46 The rumor spread that they would be denied their back pay.47 The vessels were hauled off into the lake and anchored. Threats were made to take the warships down to Fort St. Johns and surrender them to the British. Thoroughly worried, the Committee rowed out to the vessels in a bateau, where they were “treated very ill and threatened.” Upon leaving they were fired on with small arms and swivels by Arnold’s people.48 When the committee returned to Ticonderoga, Colonel Edward Mott persuaded Hinman to let him, Judge William Duer, and Lieutenant Jeremiah Halsey, row up to the warships in a bateau. Colonel Sullivan also went. They arrived about 1100, where “he” [Arnold] confined three aboard each vessel, guarded by men with fixed bayonets. The prisoners were kept until evening, when dismissed. Sullivan was “much insulted” by Captain John Brown (Jonathan Brown). The prisoners reasoned with the mutineers, and convinced many of their error. Some mutineers declared they had been deceived by Arnold. Upon their return to Ticonderoga, Hinman ordered Halsey, with twenty-five men and a boat, to return to the vessels, get what people he could on board to join him, and bring one or both vessels to the fort. At first light on the 25th this was done without resistance.49
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Contemporary view of the Continental Army Sloop Enterprise. Detail of a print found by S.H.P. Pell, taken from Howard I. Chapelle, History of the American Sailing Navy, Plate V. |
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The officers and crew of the Enterprise left their vessel and were paid to this date, presumably due to the mutiny. The total payroll, from 3 May to 1 July 1775, was £135.6.2 1/2, which included £55.3.5 1/4 which Arnold had advanced and £16.4.0 for 27 blankets issued to the crew. The number discharged was thirty-one.50 However, it appears that Marine Lieutenant James Watson stayed or re-enlisted.51 Lieutenant Jeremiah Halsey took command of the Enterprise and the fleet.52 He was listed by Schuyler as captain of the Enterprise on 1 July.53 Halsey gave himself the title “Commodore of all Armed Vessels on Lake Champlain and Lake George.”54 On 6 July, Governor Trumbull of Connecticut received a request from Colonel Edward Mott, the Connecticut engineer on the lakes, who suggested that Connecticut forward a commander for the Enterprise. Mott suggested Captain Robert Niles, an acquaintance. Governor Trumbull asked for instructions from Schuyler before performing this chore.55 On 9 July Schuyler arrived at Albany, where he found a number of people waiting to present their views on the situation on the lake.56 Captain Sloan was there, and no doubt filled in Schuyler on Halsey’s shortcomings. Sloan left on the 11th and Schuyler promptly wrote to the New York Provincial Congress to find a commander for the lake. Schuyler thought he could not procure such a man on the lake.57 Schuyler then reported to Hancock. The controversy at Ticonderoga had thrown everything into vast confusion there. Enterprise was without captain or pilot, they having been dismissed or left. Schuyler now planned to go up much sooner to restore order there.58 Schuyler asked the New York Provincial Congress to find one for the Enterprise.59
The New York Committee of Safety received Schuyler’s request on 15 July. They consulted with Captain Patrick Dennis on a commander for the lake vessel, who recommended Captain James Smith. Smith was called in and expressed his “great willingness and cheerfulness” to serve. The Committee appointed him as a captain of an “armed vessel in the Continental service,” to receive a major’s pay. Smith was to be under Schuyler’s or an appropriate commander’s command and be commissioned by the Continental Congress. Schuyler would designate the vessel Smith would command. Smith was recommended to Schuyler as of “excellent character as a sea officer,” who had turned down a merchant command to serve. Schuyler was informed of the conditions of appointment in a letter from the Committee, which suggested that Smith receive the rank of Major, as well as the pay.60
On the 26th, Liberty, which had been scouting down the lake, returned to Crown Point. Enterprise sailed up to Fort Ticonderoga with the intelligence.61
The long awaited Captain James Smith arrived to take command of the Enterprise, at Crown Point, on 1 August 1775. After a close examination Smith thought she was “of Very Little use to the Service.” He was of the opinion that Enterprise could be taken by four bateau with a swivel gun and ten men each. Smith made out a certificate to that effect and presented it to Schuyler the next day.62 Schuyler reported that Smith had arrived a few days previous from New York. He examined the sloop and indicated to Schuyler that she needed to be altered to put her in a “state of defense.” Schuyler had no carpenters to spare, unless he quit building boats, so he declined, whereupon Smith turned in a certificate stating that Enterprise was indefensible.63 Nevertheless, he took charge of the sloop.
By August there were a number of other American vessels on the lake. There were the Liberty and Enterprise and gondolas Hancock and Schuyler. There were two large bateaux armed with swivel guns. Other flat-bottomed boats and bateaux were in service, including one captured at Skenesborough back in May.64 On 25 August 1775 Montgomery resolved on an immediate advance to Fort St. John’s to prevent the British vessels getting into the lake, acting on recent intelligence.65
Montgomery and an advance party embarked on 28 August, sailing up to Crown Point.66 The fleet followed, lifting 1200 men in bateaux and boats, escorted by Liberty, Enterprise, and gondolas Hancock and Schuyler.67 In the evening, Waterbury’s Connecticut regiment, four companies of Ritzema’s 4th New York, and Mott’s artillery embarked in the fleet, with the wind fair. At 2200 a heavy rain began, so the soldiers went ashore and bivouacked. The main force arrived at Crown Point on 30 August. “A barbarous north wind” held them there for one day.68 An advance party of Americans landed at Isle aux Noix before 31 August, and in the afternoon of 31 August and on 1 September the remainder of the army with its artillery was to embark.69
Schuyler, now very ill, hurried back to Fort Ticonderoga, arriving on the 30th.70 More men began embarking at Fort Ticonderoga on 31 August to support the advance. The embarkation was expected to be complete by 1 September. Schuyler had only four 12-pounders as a siege train.71 He made arrangements for forwarding more artillery and stores.72 Montgomery’s force departed Crown Point under a south wind on the 31st.73 Schuyler arrived at Crown Point soon after and then left for Isle aux Noix, twelve miles above Fort St. Johns.74
On 3 September Montgomery, the army, and the fleet arrived at Isle la Motte. They had been detained in their voyage by adverse winds and rain.75 The army landed on a “fine, sandy beach,” to await Schuyler.76 Schuyler arrived at Isle la Motte on 4 September at noon and immediately ordered the army to re-embark and sail down the lake. The Americans arrived off Isle aux Noix at 1900.77 As the American army encamped on the first bit of Canada, Schuyler ordered a gun fired as a signal for the friendly Canadians to collect. The next day the army prepared to advance by landing the baggage and provisions on Isle aux Noix.78
At dawn on 6 September79 the Americans embarked and proceeded down the Richelieu River to within two miles of Fort St. Johns. No opposition was encountered, nor any British seen. As the fort came within sight the British opened fire, but without doing any damage. The Americans sailed a half mile farther, then landed in a “close deep Swamp.” After forming up the Americans advanced through marshy wooded ground to reconnoiter the fort.80 The left flank, under Major Thomas Hobby and Captain Matthew Mead of the 5th Connecticut, was crossing Bernier’s Brook (a deep, muddy, and winding stream) when Captain Tice (a New York Tory) attacked with one hundred Indians. The Americans returned fire, then wheeled to their left into a thicket. The firing continued for a half hour.81 After a brief fight the Indians retired, but the sight of five82 to eight83 dead and eight wounded Americans, including Hobby and Mead,84 was sobering. The Americans camped for the night, entrenching against a surprise attack.85 When the British threw a few shells into the American camp, they fell back a mile and entrenched again.86
The army re-embarked the next day and sailed back to Isle aux Noix, where Schuyler ordered the men to “secure Ourselves” and prevent “the Enemy” from getting into the lake.87 A boom, already prepared, was to be put across the narrow Richelieu channel88 on the west side of the island.89
Schuyler readied the army to move again. On 9 September90 he instructed Montgomery to take the army (or at least seven hundred men of it)91 and land below Fort St. Johns, following which Lieutenant Colonel Rudolphus Ritzema was to lead a detachment of men around to the west and north of Fort St. Johns, where Ritzema was to take post on the road between Fort St. Johns and LaPrairie, to cut off the communication with the countryside. Schuyler suggested Ritzema approach as closely as possible to Fort St. Johns. Ritzema was to throw out parties of scouts to watch Chambly and prevent supplies reaching the fort. Ethan Allen and John Brown had been ordered to furnish provisions, and Schuyler gave Ritzema gold to pay for them. Ritzema was to purchase or borrow intrenching tools. Montgomery was to remain at the landing place for a time, to cover Ritzema and receive his messages. Ritzema was to collect intelligence, establish correspondence with Montreal, and not to plunder or annoy the inhabitants.92 The covering party was to consist of three hundred men. A muster of the army revealed there were 1394 effectives, including all ranks.93
To support this advance the naval squadron, two row-galleys (these were the gondolas), each with a 12-pounder, sloop Enterprise, schooner Liberty, and ten bateaux, with three hundred and fifty picked men, were to lay in the river to prevent Royal Savage from escaping to the south.94
The Americans landed about 2200 on 10 September, at the place where they had encamped on the night of the 6th. They formed up and began to march. As they approached the entrenchment from their first visit they received a “very heavy Fire” from two bateaux on the lake, with swivel and grape, supported by Indians sniping from the land. The American gondolas heard the firing and advanced up the river.95 William Douglas took charge of one gondola.96 He fired three 12-pounders at the British bateau. One shot hit the enemy’s princpal bateau in the bow, and “tore her from Stem to Stern.” She immediately sank, with all her thirty-five man crew.97 Schuyler reported the gondola fired ball and grape into the bateau, and that thirty men were drowned or killed.98 The Americans took the breastwork, killing one Indian and one British soldier in the charge.99
It was now past midnight. The Americans below Fort St. Johns could see the Royal Savage coming down in the morning, her 180 tons looking enormous, and reputedly armed with twelve 9-pounders. The army decided to retreat to Isle aux Noix until more artillery could be obtained.100
Captain James Smith had had enough of the campaign. On 10 September the commanding officer of the sloop Enterprise, then at Isle aux Noix, was ordered to receive on board, as a “passenger,” Captain Smith, then at Crown Point, and land him where the officer has been ordered to land the sloop’s cargo on the next voyage.101
By 12 September a naval plan was evolved to dal with the Royal Savage. The two row galleys (gondolas), armed with a 12-pounder each, and each well manned, with ten bateaux manned with picked men, were stationed in the river. Liberty and Enterprise, held over from her resupply mission, were to attack the Royal Savage (now supposed to be completed, with sixteen guns), if the Royal Savage should attempt to come out to destroy the boats and cut off the army’s communication. The army to land at the same place as the first time. Three hundred and fifty men were to be in the naval flotilla, with five hundred men stationed north of the fort. Two hundred men were to guard the landing place and the boats, in case the Royal Savage got past the navy.102
Finally, on 17 September, Montgomery led out the American army. The Americans arrived before Fort St. Johns in the evening and encamped.103 The British took up their previous tactics, bombarding the American camp with harassing fire.104 During the night of the 17th, Major John Brown took out a patrol and intercepted eight carts proceeding to Fort St. Johns, laden with rum and with gun carriages for the shipping there.105 The following morning Brown, who had only a few men with him, saw a British party of regulars, with field pieces, coming out to maintain the communications north of Fort St. Johns. He moved to block the British advance, sending word to Montgomery to advance and support him. The British beat off Brown’s attack, due to the army’s tardy movement. Then they assaulted Brown’s force in a desperate struggle for Brown’s entrenchments.106 The carts were hidden in the woods and not recovered by the British.107
Montgomery was moving. Five hundred men advanced in the morning light, to the north side of the Fort, where Brown had fought the action earlier. After a few minutes’ firing the British retreated to avoid entrapment. The men were posted at the joining of the roads to Chambly and Longuiel from Fort St. Johns.108 The Connecticut regiments were put in lines south of the fort, and Colonel Timothy Bedel’s New Hampshire regiment was sent around west of Fort St. Johns, into works prepared by Major Brown’s scouts. Bedel’s men had to fight to eject the British and a bloody skirmish ensued. Captain Watson, the Lieutenant of Marines on the Enterprise was found among the British wounded. He was wounded in the abdomen but survived. The post was afterwards known as “Bedel’s Encampment.”109
The British reacted to these smart little actions by bombarding the American camp all day. Thirty cannon and eight bombs were fired. The Americans returned forty-four shots from their 12-pounders, hitting a bateau and the Royal Savage several times.110
The American squadron at Fort St. Johns was disposed in a thin picket line across the Richelieu River, from the upper works to the eastern shore. Enterprise and Liberty were anchored from bow and stern, and lay across current. The two gondolas, Hancock and Schuyler, were anchored with their sterns to the flow. Each gondola now disposed twelve swivel guns. Two large bateaux had been armed with swivels and were placed on the east as flank security. All six vessels were manned with crews totaling 320 men.111
At Fort St. Johns the skirmishes continued. On the 20th the British sent out a bateau as a scout, to examine the American positions.112 Douglas,113 “who commands one of our armed Boats,”114 fired four 12-pounders115 with balls and grape shot, and scored a hit.116 Several of the enemy boats were firing on the Americans. By report, thirty Canadians were killed or drowned.117
A report from around the first of October 1775 indicates the American fleet consisted of the schooner Liberty, mounting two 4-pounders and two 2-pounders, with eight or ten swivels; sloop Enterprise, mounting two 6-pounders and four 3-pounders, with eleven swivels, the “Gundalo” Schuyler, mounting one 12-pounder in the bow, with twelve swivels on her sides, the “Gundalo” Hancock with the same battery, and two bateaux with swivel guns.118
Montgomery and Preston agreed to a cessation of fire on 20 October, to allow the prisoners from Chambly and their baggage to be evacuated past the fort by bateau. At the American camp they were put aboard the lake vessels and stayed overnight before being sent up the lake. But the British had ulterior motives in graciously allowing the Americans to bring their prisoners out by boat. From Fort St. Johns the British could see up the river and out into the widening lake. What they could not see, through the thick woods and dense brush, was the American camp. As the bateau loads of prisoners passed by the British fort the stopping of the bateau to unload clearly marked the position of the American camp for the gunners. The British marked the range and waited.119 The British opened fire on 21 October, on the suspected location of the American camp “with great exactness,” with both shell and shot. The shelling continued on the 22nd with two Americans killed and two wounded. The Americans moved their encampment farther back to avoid the shelling.120
When a British attempt at relief of Fort St. Johns was repulsed at Longueil, the prisoners were held aboard the Liberty and the Enterprise. Montgomery sent one of the prisoners into the fort to let Preston know that no relief was coming.121 Preston thought the prisoner is insane, and so informed Montgomery. Preston also informed Montgomery that, if no relief attempts were made within four days, Preston would propose surrender terms. Montgomery rejects Preston’s proposal: he had additional prisoners aboard Liberty122 and Enterprise123 who could confirm the information. Montgomery would permit an officer from the garrison to communicate with them if necessary. If Preston did not surrender at once, no terms would be accepted.124 Apparently the British did examine prisoners held aboard the Liberty and Enterprise.125 The British surrendered on 3 November 1775.
Following the fall of Fort St. Johns, Douglas had set about the task of preparing the Lake Champlain squadron for the winter. Enterprise and Liberty were at Fort St. Johns, but needed minor refitting. Both of the gondolas, one under the command of Lieutenant Lockwood, had been passed down the Richelieu River and was operating in the St. Lawrence. The bateaux were being used to bring supplies north and carry messages and men south. Some were in the process of being dragged back from Chambly, over the rapids.126 Douglas was organizing the captured supplies for storage and evacuation.
The Royal Savage and the row galley were back in service by late November. On 27 November these two, along with the Enterprise and the Liberty, arrived at Fort Ticonderoga laden with the baggage and the prisoners captured at Fort St. Johns.127 These prisoners, including General Prescott, arrived in time to meet a Congressional Committee then at Fort Ticonderoga.128
Into this welter of unfinished and confusing business came the time-expired Connecticut men from Montreal. They expected Douglas to provide boat lift back up the lake to Fort Ticonderoga. After days of wheedling and annoying Douglas he had enough: the Connecticut men were told to rig any boats they could find on their own. When they had accomplished this task Douglas detached the Enterprise, still under Captain Smith, to escort the boats down to Crown Point.129
The Connecticut men were so quick to leave they failed to notice specks of snow in a light northwest breeze. They noticed it more when the light breeze came round to a northeast blow, as any sailor knew it would. Icy blasts filled with snow drove the little convoy up the lake, scattering the boats. On the Enterprise the army officers crowded into Smith’s cabin, seeking solace from the cold winds. Here they encountered the chaplain, praying for their welfare. But all survived and made Crown Point. When Enterprise returned to Fort St. Johns, Smith informed Douglas that the Connecticut men had chosen to walk the rest of the way home from Crown Point.130
Douglas soon concluded his work at Fort St. Johns. Winter was fast approaching and it was time to lay up the lake vessels for the winter. He was at Fort Ticonderoga on 2 December 1775. Here Douglas certified that two sailors had enlisted on the lakes and served loyally.131 Not long after Douglas presumably left for New York.
To be continued . . .
1 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Albany Committee pf Safety,” 1, 503-504 and 504 note
2 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” 1, 539; “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” 1, 561-562 and 562 note. Arnold says “two” swivels in the latter letter, surely a writing error for twelve.
3 NDAR, “Barnabas Deane to Silas Deane,” 1, 589
4 NDAR, 6, 1257-1258. Carleton’s report to Lord George Germain.
5 NDAR, 6, 1380-1381. A second-hand report.
6 NDAR, 6, 1340-1345. One of Douglas’ official reports. A second-hand report, but a well-informed reporter.
7 NDAR, 6, 1436. A second-hand report.
8 NDAR, 7, 123. A report by a British eyewitness.
9 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter From Crown Point, May 19,” I, 367 and note; “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, Cambridge,” I, 364-367; “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Albany Committee of Safety,” I, 503-504 and 504 note
10 NDAR, “Minutes of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” I, 250
11 Bellico, Sail and Steam, 118, 336n9. She was commonly referred to as the “King’s Sloop,” or the “armed sloop of George the Third.” Some modern sources indicate her name as George or George III, a misreading of the above phrase.
12 Chapelle, American Sailing Navy, 112
13 NDAR, “Extract of a Letter From Crown Point, May 19,” I, 367 and note; “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, Cambridge,” I, 364-367; “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Albany Committee of Safety,” I, 503-504 and 504 note
14 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” I, 312-313
15 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 136. According to Bird command of the Liberty went to a Captain Brown. However, Captain Jonathan Brown was sent to Massachusetts with a letter from Arnold on that date. NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, Cambridge,” I, 364-367
16 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Albany Committee of Safety,” I, 503-504 and 504 note
17 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, Cambridge,” I, 364-367
18 NDAR, “Pay Roll of the Continental Sloop Enterprise,” I, 797 and note
19 NDAR, “Pay Roll of the Continental Sloop Enterprise,” I, 797 and note
20 NDAR, “Captain Benedict Arnold to Captain John Stephens,” I, 501-502
21 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Albany Committee of Safety,” I, 503-504 and 504 note
22 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” I, 539; “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” I, 561-562 and 562 note
23 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Albany Committee pf Safety,” I, 503-504 and 504 note
24 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” Cambridge,” I, 512-513 and 513 note
25 NDAR, “Journal of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts,” I, 585-587
26 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, Cambridge,” I, 512-513 and 513 note
27 NDAR, “Journal kept by Eleazer Oswald on Lake Champlain,” I, 513
28 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, Cambridge,” I, 512-513 and 513 note
29 NDAR, “Journal kept by Eleazer Oswald on Lake Champlain,” I, 513
30 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” I, 539
31 NDAR, “Jesse Root to Silas Deane,” 1, 528-529 and 529 note
32 NDAR, “Jesse Root to Silas Deane,” 1, 528-529 and 529 note
33 NDAR, “Barnabas Deane to Silas Deane,” I, 589
34 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety,” I, 539. Arnold’s late information is dated “10th Inst.,” an impossible date, perhaps the 20th is meant.
35 NDAR, “Samuel Stringer, “Chairman Pro. Tem. of the Committee of the City of Albany, to the Provincial Congress of New York,” I, 539-540
36 NDAR, “Colonel Ethan Allen to the Continental Congress,” I, 563-564
37 NDAR, “Pay Roll of the Continental Sloop Enterprise,” I, 797 and note
38 NDAR, “Journal of the Provincial Congress of New York,” I, 603 and note
39 NDAR, “Colonel Benedict Arnold to the Continental Congress,” I, 671-673
40 NDAR, “Colonel Ethan Allen and Others to the Continental Congress, Philadelphia,” I, 646-647
41 NDAR, “Journal of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts,” I, 661 and note; “Walter Spooner to Governor Jonathan Trumbull,” I, 807-808
42 NDAR, “Samuel Stringer, Chairman of the Albany Committee, to the Continental Congress,” I, 736-737
43 NDAR, “Walter Spooner to Governor Jonathan Trumbull,” I, 807-808
44 NDAR, “Report of the Committee Sent to Ticonderoga and Crown Point by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts,” I, 825-827
45 NDAR, “Walter Spooner to Governor Jonathan Trumbull,” I, 807-808; “Report of the Committee Sent to Ticonderoga and Crown Point by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts,” I, 825-827
46 NDAR, “Captain Edward Mott to Governor Jonathan Trumbull,” I, 829-830
47 NDAR, “Report of the Committee Sent to Ticonderoga and Crown Point by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts,” I, 825-827
48 NDAR, “Captain Edward Mott to Governor Jonathan Trumbull,” I, 829-830
49 NDAR, “Captain Edward Mott to Governor Jonathan Trumbull,” I, 829-830
50 NDAR, “Pay Roll of the Continental Sloop Enterprise,” I, 797 and note
51 Belloni, Sails and Steam
52 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress,” I, 988-989 and 989 note
53 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress,” I, 988-989 and 989 note
54 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 144
55 NDAR, “Jonathan Trumbull, Governor of Connecticut, to Major General Philip Schuyler,” I, 829
56 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress,” I, 860-862
57 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to the New York Provincial Congress,” I, 860
58 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to the New York Provincial Congress,” I, 860
59 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to the New York Provincial Congress,” I, 860
60 NDAR, “Minutes of the New York Committee of Safety,” I, 888-889
61 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress,” I, 988-989 and 989 note
62 NDAR, “Certificate of Captain James Smith,” I, 1044
63 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, President of the Continental Congress,” I, 1042
64 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 121
65 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
66 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 122
67 Smith, Marines in the Revolution, 27
68 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 150
69 NDAR, “Examination of Private Peter Griffin,” 1, 1231-1232; “Major General Philip Schuyler to the Commissioners for Indian Affairs in the Northern Department,” 1, 1276
70 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
71 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to the Commissioners for Indian Affairs in the Northern Department,” I, 1276
72 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
73 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 150
74 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45; “George Washington to John Augustine Washington,” II, 67-68
75 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
76 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 150
77 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 122
78 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
79 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 151 indicates this action ocurred on 5 September.
80 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
81 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 151
82 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
83 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 152
84 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 152
85 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
86 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 152
87 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 43-45
88 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 152
89 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 122
90 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 150-153
91 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 153
92 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to Lieutenant Colonel Rudolphus Ritzema,” II, 66-67
93 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 150-153
94 Ward, War of the Revolution, i, 153
95 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from...Isle aux Noix, dated September 16, 1775,” II, 119
96 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 150-153
97 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from...Isle aux Noix, dated September 16, 1775,” II, 119
98 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 150-153
99 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from...Isle aux Noix, dated September 16, 1775,” II, 119
100 NDAR, “Extract of a letter from...Isle aux Noix, dated September 16, 1775,” II, 119; “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 150-153
101 NDAR, “John Macpherson to the Commanding Officer of the Sloop Enterprise,” II, 73
102 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 150-153
103 NDAR, “Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major General Philip Schuyler,” II, 145-146
104 NDAR, “Journal of David Safford,” II, 338-340 and 340 note
105 NDAR, “Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major General Philip Schuyler,” II, 145-146
106 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 150
107 NDAR, “Brigadier General Richard Montgomey to Major General Philip Schuyler,” II, 145-146
108 NDAR, “Brigadier General Richard Montgomey to Major General Philip Schuyler,” II, 145-146
109 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 150
110 NDAR, “Journal of David Safford,” II, 338-340 and 340 note
111 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 152-153
112 NDAR, “Journal of David Safford,” II, 338-340 and 340 note
113 NDAR, “Journal of David Safford,” II, 338-340 and 340 note; “Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington,” II, 162-163
114 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington,” II, 162-163
115 NDAR, “Journal of David Safford,” II, 338-340 and 340 note
116 NDAR, “Journal of David Safford,” II, 338-340 and 340 note; “Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington,” II, 162-163
117 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to George Washington,” II, 162-163. However, this is identical to the report in “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock, II, 150-153, dated to the 19th. This must refer to an earlier incident on the 10th. In fact the two incidents are suspiciously similar.
118 Bellico, Sails and Steam, 124
119 NDAR, “The Journal of Robert Barwick During the Canadian Campaign,” II, 1387-1400
120 NDAR, “The Journal of Robert Barwick During the Canadian Campaign,” II, 1387-1400
121 NDAR, "Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major General Philip Schuyler," II, 866-867
122 NDAR, "Major Charles Preston to Brigadier General Richard Montgomery," II, 830; "Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major Charles Preston," II, 830; "Captitulation Terms for the British Garrison at St. John’s," II, 846-848; "Journal of Robert Barwick," II, 848, 869
123 Belloni, Sails and Steam, 125
124 NDAR, "Major Charles Preston to Brigadier General Richard Montgomery," II, 830; "Brigadier General Richard Montgomery to Major Charles Preston," II, 830; "Captitulation Terms for the British Garrison at St. John’s," II, 846-848; "Journal of Robert Barwick," II, 848, 869
125 Belloni, Sails and Steam, 125
126 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 158
127 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 1159-1160
128 NDAR, “Major General Philip Schuyler to John Hancock,” II, 1173
129 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 159
130 Bird, Navies in the Mountains, 159
131 NDAR, “Certificate of Commodore William Douglas,” II, 1231. One on 28 July and one on 9 September.
| Posted 17 July 2010 |
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